IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  MSBO 

(716)  872-4503 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historicai  iS^icroreproductions 


Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


1980 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


D 


D 
D 
D 

□ 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


Covers  damaged/ 


I I    Couverture  endommag^e 

I I    Couverture  restaurde  et/ou  pelliculde 

D 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur^* 

Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


E 


Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  gdographiques  en  couleur 

Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

Coloured  plates    nd/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relid  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  reliure  serrde  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  intdrieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whennver  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajout6es 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  film^es. 


Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  s'jpplimentaires: 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meillour  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-dtre  uniqu  s  du 
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une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  methods  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiquds  ci-dessous. 


□    Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 

□    Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagdes 

I      I    Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 


D 


Pages  restaurdes  et/ou  pelliculdes 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  d6color6es,  tachet^es  ou  piqu6es 


□Pages  detached/ 
Pages  d^tach^es 

rrV]    Showthrough/ 
11— I    Transparence 

r~|    Quality  of  print  varies/ 


Quality  indgale  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  materiel  supplementaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  M6  filmdes  d  nouveau  de  fagon  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


□    This  item  Is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 
Ce  document  est  film^  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqu6  ci-dessous. 


lOX 

14X 

18X 

22X 

2BX 

30X 

y 

12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


e 

dtails 
s  du 
rudifier 
ir  une 
ilmage 


BS 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Library  of  the  Public 
Archives  of  Canada 


The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the     > 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  ^^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


L'exempiaire  filmd  fc^  reproduit  grdce  d  la 
g6n6ro8itd  de: 

La  bibliothdque  des  Archives 
publiques  du  Canada 

Les  images  suivantes  ont  6t6  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettetd  de  l'exempiaire  filmd,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprim6e  sont  film6s  en  commengant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmds  en  commenqant  par  la 
premidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  sui  /ants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  — ♦-  signifie  "A  SUIVRE  ",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  platbs.  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  \eH  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
filmds  d  des  taux  de  reduction  diffdrents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clich6,  il  est  filmd  d  partir 
de  Tangle  sup6rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  n6cessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mdthode. 


errata 
I  to 

t 

9  pelure, 

on  d 


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32X 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

THE  REVENUE  BILL 


ITS  EFFECT  UPQN  THE  RELATIONS  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES  V/ITH  CANADA. 


SPEECH 


OF 


HON.  ANTHONY  HIGOINS, 

OF    DELAWARE, 


IN   THE 


SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 


Thursday,  June  14.  1894. 


« ♦ 


■WASHINO-TON", 

1894. 


wmmm 


SPEECH 

OF 

HON.   ANTHONY   HIGGINS. 


The  Senate  having  under  consideration  the  bill  (H.  R.  4884)  to  reduce  tax- 
ation, to  provide  revenue  for  the  Government,  and  for  other  purposes- 
Mr.  HIGGINS  said: 

Mr.  President:  This  bill  will  put  wool  on  the  free  list,  and 
thereby  add  to  the  free  list  another  product  of  Canadian  pro- 
duction. To  that  extent  it  will  increase  to  the  relief  given  to 
the  people  of  Canada  by  the  reduction  of  the  duty,  either  in  part 
or  in  whole,  upon  their  natural  products. 

I  do  not  propose  at  this  time  to  add  anything  to  what  I  have 
already  taken  occasion  to  say  during  this  debate  upon  this  meas- 
ure as  one  of  merely  domestic  policy.  Important  as  that  is  it 
does  not  constitute  its  entire,  and  1  am  not  prepared  to  say  that 
I  think  it  constitutes  its  chief,  importance.  In  more  ways  than 
one,  and  in  no  way  more  vital  to  the  interests  of  the  American 
people  than  in  respect  to  its  effect  upon  our  relations  with  Can- 
ada, it  is  a  measure  of  far-reaching  foreign  policy. 

We  hear  its  reverberations  already  from  beyond  the  waters  of 
the  Atlantic  in  its  propositions  to  uproot  the  policy  of  recipro- 
cal trade  with  Germany  and  continental  Europe  as  respects  sugar 
and  our  agricultural  products  on  the  one  hand,  and  with  our 
sister  republics  of  South  America  and  the  Island  of  Cuba  upon 
the  other. 

All  that,  Mr.  President,  which  is  of  so  much  importance  to 
the  consumer  and  the  pulDlic  of  the  United  States,  which  is  of 
so  much  importance  and  has  been  of  so  much  benefit  to  the 
farmers  of  the  United  States,  is  condemned  ruthlessly  to  the 
block,  and  I  do  not  know  but  what  there  is  a  feeling  on  the 
other  side  of  this  Chamber,  there  certainly  is  in  some  of  the 
offices  of  the  able  editors  in  the  land,  that  the  time  of  the  Sen- 
ate is  wasted  by  a  discussion  before  the  great  forum  of  the 
American  people  as  to  the  effect  of  this  proposed  policy. 

This  bill,  as  I  have  already  taken  occasion  to  discuss  during 
the  debate,  as  it  was  passed  by  the  House  of  Representatives 
and  reported  to  the  Senate,  abrogated  the  reciprocity  treaty 
with  Hawaii.  I  am  glad  to  say  that  that  has  teen  altered  by 
amendment,  an  amendment  in  which  I  hope  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives will  agree. 

But  1  wish  at  this  time  to  ask  the  attention  of  the  Senate  to 
some  observations  which  I  feel  moved  to  make  with  regard  to  . 
the  effect  of  this  bill  upon  our  relations  with  our  neighbors  of 
Canada,  and  therein  and  thereby  of  the  most  far-reaching  oon- 
Bequence  to  them  and  to  us  as  common  citizens  of  one  continent. 

lam  free  tos^v,  Mr.  Pro.-ddcnt,  that  whea  llio  Soiiate  cuusiu- 
ered  the  McKinley  bill  and  jjassed  it  four  years  ago,  it  really 
took  very  little  account  of  its  effect  upon  Canada.    We  paaaed 

1447  3 


in  that  measure  a  schedule  on  agricultural  and  other  n.-i  tural 
productsof  Canada  of  the  utmost  consequence  to  them.  and.  in 
a  certain  sense,  of  the  utmost  disastrous  consequence  to  them,  but 
in  doing  it  wo  really  took  very  little  thought  of  them.  I  doubt 
if  more  than  a  very  few  members  of  either  House  of  Congress 
had  their  attention  drawn  to  the  groat  and  importint  effect  on 
our  Canadian  neighbors  of  the  provisions  of  that  bill. 

The  farmers  of  the  United  States  —toe  Ropublicim  farmers  — 
wanted  protection.  They  said  if  there  was  protection  to  be 
given  to  the  manufacturer  they  wanted  protection  to  the  farmer, 
and  out  of  regard  for  them,  and  out  of  regard  for  their  circum- 
stances, and  for  the  conaistency  of  the  policy  of  protection,  which 
should  hold  in  equal  esteem  the  products  of  the  soil  and  the 
products  of  the  loom  and  the  anvil,  we  enacted  the  provision -s  of 
that  law,  which  also,  as  1  have  said,  had  their  effect  upon  the 
natural  products  of  Canada.  We,  in  fact,  were  involved  in  a 
profound  self-contemplation,  and  were  lost  to  all  thought  of  any- 
body outside  of  or  nhunde  ourselves. 

When  the  McKinley  bill  was  passed,  with  its  agricultural 
schedule  and  the  duty  on  lumber  and  coal,  the  American  market 
was  secured  to  the  American  producer,  and  that,  too,  without 
any  additional  cost  to  the  Americ m  consumer.  Prices  did  not 
rise  within  the  wide  limits  of  this  broad  land,  because  the  con- 
sumer was  left  to  the  industry  and  capacity  of  the  American 
farmer  and  lumberman  and  miner.  Our  splendid  resources  wore 
fully  adequate  to  that  task.  We  needed  for  that  purpose  no  as- 
sistance from  Canada — mm  tali  auxilio — and  from  that  source  no 
additional  cost  thereby  has  been  put  upon  the  American  people. 

As  shown,  however,  by  the  figures  of  the  tables,  which  I  will 
beg  leave  to  submit  to  the  Senate,  the  duties  upon  the  products 
introduced  into  the  United  States  from  Canada  all  fell  upon  the 
Canadian  producer,  and  we  enforced  that  much  of  a  right  royal 
contribution  to  the  American  exchequer,  and  to  that  extent 
augmented  our  revenues  from  our  neighbor. 

The  McKinley  legislation,  Mr.  President,  if  I  may  call  it  so, 
is  an  object  lesson  upon  both  sides  of  the  line.  It  shows  to  the 
American  farmer  what  an  e^isy  remedy  he  hiu>  against  foreign 
competition,  and  how  he  can  secure  for  himself  the  plenitude 
of  our  domestic  market  for  his  product,  a  matter  of  concern  the 
largest  at  times  when  we  are  met  in  the  markets  of  the  world 
by  all  the  problems  of  Asiatic  and  South  American  and  Aus- 
tralian and  other  foreign  competition,  and  all  the  complexity 
of  the  problem  of  silver  as  a  money  metal. 

To  the  Canadian  it  was  an  object  lesson  at  the  same  time.  It 
showed  to  him  the  absolute  uncertainty  of  the  American  market 
for  him  so  long  as  he  chooses  to  indulge  in  the  luxury  of  being 
either  foreign  to  the  United  States  or  a  British  dependency;  that 
whatever  crop  he  may  plant,  whatever  particular  manufacture 
or  mining  plant  he  may  establish,  it3  prosperity  and  welfare  or 
its  destruction  are  dependent  upon  the  vicissitudes  of  American 
politics,  and  upon  the  action  taken  in  this  Legislature  over 
which  he  has  no  control. 

The  bill  now  before  the  Senate,  for  the  first  time  in  American 
hieiory,  piopoaes  to  give  and  h  ind  over  to  the  Canadians  almost 
a  free  market  in  their  natural  products,  absolutely  without  any 
compensation  in  return.  The  history  of  our  reciprocal  relations 
with  Canada  is  important  and  interesting  in  this  connection. 

1447 


Our  statistics  available  are  only  to  be  found  from  1821  to  the 
present  time.  In  1846  the  British  Government  took  the  great 
and  impressive  step  for  themselves  of  free  trade,  and  in  the  same 
act  cut  up  by  the  roots  the  theretofore  diffierential  advantages 
they  had  given  to  their  colonies  and  dependencies  in  their  trade 
witn  the  mother  country;  and  Canada  found  herself  cut  off  from 
an  ailvantageous  market  for  her  natural  products  in  Great  Brit- 
ain. 

At  the  same  time  she  found  herself  face  to  face  with  an  ad- 
verse tariff  in  the  United  States.  The  Walker  tarifi",  of  which 
we  have  heard  such  encomiums  in  this  discussioni  placed  high 
duties  upon  agricultural  products  and  the  natural  products  of 
Canada.  So  it  came  about  that  there  was  at  that  time  in  Can- 
ada a  condition  of  profound  discontent,  so  great  that  the  Brit- 
ish Government  sent  one  of  its  first  statesmen  over  there  as 
governor-general.  Lord  Elgin;  and,  as  we  are  told  by  an  emi- 
nent publicist  of  England,  Lord  Elgin  himself  wondered  that 
the  Canadians  had  rested  under  the  adverse  conditions  which 
affected  them. 

As  a  remedy,  he  came  to  the  city  of  Washington  and  proposed 
to  the  then  Democratic  Administration  the  reciprocity  treaty, 
since  known  by  his  name,  which  was  adopted  by  this  country. 
It  offered  to  the  United  States  reciprocity  in  the  natural  prod- 
ucts of  Canada  by  giving  to  the  Unlt^jd  States  a  free  market  for 
agricultural  and  the  like  products  in  Canada  in  return  for  free 
markets  for  such  Canadian  products  in  the  United  States.  That 
convention  and  arrangement  was  what  is  known  as  '*  jug- 
handled  " — it  was  all  on  one  side. 

There  was  no  market  for  which  we  cared  in  Canada  for  the 
articles  which  by  the  treaty  were  made  tree.  It  was  everything 
to  her  to  have  a  free  market  in  the  United  States  for  her  nat- 
ural products  that  we  thus  gave  to  her  free,  while  she  retained 
her  'sxisting  duties  upon  manufactures,  and  thus  excluded  us  to 
the  extent  of  her  duties  from  selling  our  manufactures  in  her 
markets,  wherein  and  whereby  alone  we  could  get  any  advan- 
tage. 

I  submit  at  this  point  some  tables  which  have  been  prepared 
by  the  Bureau  of  Statistics  of  the  Treasury  Department  in  re- 
sponse to  an  inquiry  by  a  resolution  of  the  Senate,  giving  a  re- 
capitulation of  the  trade  of  the  United  States  with  the  British 
North  American  Provinces  for  the  years  running  from  1821  up 
to  1893  inclusive,  and  also  a  table,  which  is  a  recapitulation  of 
these  annual  reports  by  periods,  showing  in  one  set  of  figures  the 
exports  from  the  United  States  to  Canada  and  in  the  other  the 
exports  from  Canada  to  the  United  States.  The  periods  are  co- 
temporaneous  with  what  may  be  called  the  tariff  periods  of  the 
United  States,  and  I  do  not  think  that  such  tablea  have  ever  be- 
fore been  prepared. 

The  periods  are  as  follows,  giving  the  years  inclusive:  1821 
to  1882,  183.1  to  1845,  1846  to  18)5,  185tj  to  18()6,  being  the  period 
of  the  Elgin  treaty;  1867  to  1873,  that  being  the  year  when  our 
tiiriff  was  first  materially  reduced;  1874  to  1883,  when  occurred 
the  next  reduction  of  our  tariff:  1884  to  1890,  the  year  of  the 
enactment  of  the  McKinley  law,  and  1891  to  1893,  the  last  year 
for  which  we  have  at  this  time  available  figures.  The  tables 
are  as  follows: 

1447 


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This  table,  when  you  come  to  rest  your  eye  upon  It,  is  most 
instructive.  It  discloses  the  fact  that  in  the  year  preceding 
the  adoption  of  the  reciprocity  treaty,  both  the  exports  and  the 
imports  between  Canada  and  the  United  States  were  greatly 
augiuentod,  and  that  that  increase  of  trade  has  continued  almost 
without  intermission  from  that  time  until  the  present;  but  it 
shows  also  that  there  was  a  great  advance  of  the  free  imports 
by  reason  of  the  Canadians  taking  advanUige  of  the  trade  in 
tho.  e  articles  which  came  in  free  under  the  treiity;  and  a  corre- 
sponding falling  olf  of  the  articles  which  were  dutiable,  thereby 
proving  that,  while  the  volume  of  the  trade  was  not  so  greatly 
increased,  the  burden  of  the  tarifT  of  the  United  States  under 
the  treaty  was  taken  off  of  the  Canadian  exporters  and  the  loss 
borne  by  us;  while  both  before  and  after  the  treaty  it  was  borne 
by  the  Canadians. 

For  instance,  the  amount  of  free  imports  into  the  United  States 
from  Canada  in  1854  amounted  to  only  S'llto,!!!)"!,  while  in  l>'r)5, 
and  presumably  in  the  three  and  one-half  months  between  the 
Kith  day  of  March,  when  the  treaty  took  effect,  and  the  ;iOth  day 
of  June,  when  the  fiscal  year  ended,  the  free  imports  from  Canada 
amounted  to  the  enormously  increased  sum  of  $8,085,678,  while 
the  dutiable  imports  from  Canada,  which  were  in  1854  $8,288,41", 
fell  in  1856,  the  first  full  year  of  the  treaty,  to  $821,724.  The 
last  year  of  the  treaty,  1866,  when  It  was  abrogated,  the  free 
imports  had  increased  from  the  sum  of  $495,995  in  1854,  to  the 
enormous  sum  of  $43,029,389;  and  the  dutiable  goods  imported 
that  year  were  $5,499,239,  being  a  great  increase  over  any  pre- 
vious period  of  the  treaty,  thev  ranging  from  as  low  as  $491,732 
in  1858,  to  $1 ,661,981  in  18(34. 

With  but  one  other  conclusion  shall  I  burden  the  Senate  from 
these  tables,  and  that  is  in  respect  to  the  balance  of  trade.  The 
balance  of  trade  in  our  favor  when  we  entered  into  this  reci- 
procity convention  was  $15,288,996  in  1854;  in  18r;5,  during  which 
we  were  only  under  the  treaty  for  three  months  and  a  half,  the 
balance  in  our  favor  was  $12,623,519.  It  immediately  fell  off 
under  the  treaty  and  went  as  low  as  $47,976  against  us  in  1861. 
The  balance  against  us  in  1866,  the  last  year  of  the  treaty,  was 
$23,699,748,  while  under  the  McKinley  act  the  balance  was,  the 
first  year,  1891,  in  our  favor  $9,220,  and  in  the  last  year,  1893, 
$10,442,166. 

I  shall  leave  these  tables,  however,  to  speak  for  themselves, 
and  shall  not  trouble  the  Senate  with  drawing  any  further  de- 
ductions from  them. 

It  will  be  remembered  by  some  of  the  older  members  of  the 
Senate  that  in  1874  Canada,  through  the  British  minister,  ten- 
dered to  the  United  States  a  renewal  of  the  reciprocity  treaty 
of  1864,  with  the  addition  theretoof  alarge  listof  manufactured 
articles  of  the  United  States,  which  would  be  admitted  into  Can- 
ada free  of  duty.  President  Grant  submitted  that  project  to  the 
Senate  for  its  consideration  and  advice,  and  the  Senate  advised 
against  it.  That  was  the  action  of  Congress  in  1874  on  the  ques- 
tion of  reciprocity. 

In  1892,  under  the  pressure  of  Canadian  politics  and  the  effect 
of  the  McKinley  act  upon  their  trade,  the  government  of  Sir 
John  A.  Maodonald,  who  was  at  that  time  alive  and  the  premier, 
through  their  representatives,  members  of  the  Canadian  min- 
istry, and  the  British  minister  here,  presented  to  Secretary 
Blame,  under  F'resident  Harrison's  Administration,  a  proposi- 

1447 


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10 

tion  for  the  renewal  of  reciprocity  relations.  They  offered  to 
Mr.  Blaine  to  renew  the  treaty  of  IS'A,  and  that  he  respectfully 
declined.  Mr.  Blaine  told  them  that  he  would  only  consider 
the  project  of  reciprocity  as  it  should  include  certain  manufac- 
t'lred  articles  to  be  agreed  upon,  as  well  as  natural  products. 

Before  any  answer  could  be  given,  however,  by  the  Canadian 
represent itives  to  that  proposition,  they  put  a  further  question 
to  him  as  to  whether  the  United  States  would  require,  in  the 
event  of  the  conclusion  of  sucn  an  arrangement,  that  whatever 
advantages  should  be  given  to  the  United  States  by  the  reduc- 
tion of  the  Canadian  tariff  on  our  manufactured  goods,  should  be 
exclusive  to  the  United  States,  or  whether  weshould  be  willing 
to  have  it  granted  to  Great  Britain  and  her  other  dependencies 
and  colonies.  Mr.  Blaine'sanswer  was  that  it  must  be  exclusive 
to  the  United  States;  that  we  should  not  be  willing  to  submit 
our  tariff  arrangements  in  that  way  to  Great  Britain,  and  should 
not  bo  willing  that  whatever  advantages  by  this  convention 
should  be  given  to  the  United  States  should  be  given  to  Great 
BriUun  and  her  dependencies..  Thereupon,  so  far  as  this  branch 
of  the  conference  was  concerned,  the  representatives  of  Canada 
terminated  it. 

So,  Mr.  President,  was  shown  by  this  very  adroit  and  states- 
manlike treatment  of  these  negotiations  by  our  great  premier, 
the  utterly  illusory  character  of  any  proposition  for  reciprocity 
between  the  United  States  and  Canada. 

What  shall  be  our  policy  toward  Canada,  the  policy  of  the 
McKinley  law  or  the  policy  of  this  so  called  Wilson  billV  I  sub- 
mit that  our  true  policy  toward  Canada  must  bo  governed, 
under  present  ocnditions,  not  so  much  by  commercial  as  by  po- 
litical considerations,  and  that  it  must  be  governed  by  the  great 
fact  of  our  geographical  proximity  and  of  her  membership  as  a 
dependency  of  the  British  Empire. 

It  is  not  the  same,  case  as  it  would  be  if  we  were  dealing  with 
Australia,  or  the  Cape  Colonies,  or  India,  or  any  other  British 
dependency.  Indeed  it  is  not  the  same  case  at  all,  because  all 
the  reasons  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  they  never  would  ask  for 
any  special  arrangement  with  us  of  that'  kind.  Canada  only 
asked  for  a  special  reciprocal  treatment  from  us  in  our  tariff  be- 
cause of  her  geographical  proximity,  and  indeed  her  geogr.iph- 
ical  proximity  is  the  great  vital  fact  and  consideration  in  this 
policy. 

I  Hubmit,  Mr.  Pi'esiden',  that  the  outstanding  difference  be- 
tween Canada  and  the  United  St  ites,  growing  out  of  the  fact 
that  we  are  under  two  different  governments,  never  has  received 
a  settleaient,  and  never  will  receive  a  settlement  until  we  cease 
to  be  members  of  separate  empires  and  become  members  of  one. 

I  beg  the  attention  of  the  Senate  to  a  hasty  r6Bum6  of  these 
outstanding  differences,  which  can  not  bj  left  out  of  account  in 
any  adequate  consideration  which  is  given  to  this  subject.  The 
first  in  time,  if  not  the  first  in  importance,  is  the  ancient  and 
outstanding  difference  with  regard  to  the  fisheries.  Under  the 
treaty  of  1818,  negotiated  on  our  part  by  Albert  Gallatin  and 
Richard  Rush,  the  American  fishermen  could  only  land  on  Ca- 
nadian soil  in  order  to  obtain  shelter  and  repair  damages,  for 
wood  and  water,  and  for  no  other  purpose.  It  haa  been  contended 
by  our  Government  that  oircumstunoes  have  altered  the  original 
H47 


11 


coi^truction  of  that  treaty,  and  that  we  have  the  right  under  it 
to  enjoy  all  the  ordinary  rights  of  hospitality  in  Canadian  porta. 

That  has  been  steadily  resisted  by  the  Canadians,  who  have, 
in  asserting  the  right  they  claim  under  the  treaty,  denied  to 
American  tishermen  the  privilege  of  landing  in  their  ports  for  the 
obtainment  of  bait,  seines,  supplies,  or  outfit,  or  the  transmission 
of  their  catch  of  fish  to  Unit3d  States  ports.  Their  reason  for  re- 
fusing to  give  to  American  fishermen  the  commonest  rights  of 
hospitality  has  been  that  they  want  to  force  the  United  States 
to  give  them  a  free  market  for  the  fish  caught  by  Canailiaa 
fishermen;  and  on  that  we  have  had  a  long  outstanding  differ- 
ence. It  was  one  of  the  matters  brought  into  the  treaty  of 
Washington  in  1871. 

By  that  treaty  it  was  agreed  that  we  should  let  Canadian  fish 
be  brought  in  free  for  ten  years,  if  on  the  other  hand  these  rights 
I  have  spoken  of,  hitherto  denied,  were  given  for  a  like  period 
to  American  fishermen.  But  inasmuch  as  the  Canadians  con- 
tended that  the  rights  they  granted  were  more  valuable  than  the 
rights  they  obtained  by  the  treaty,  we  provided  for  ah  arbitra- 
tion of  such  difference  and  tlie  payment  of  the  sum  so  awarded. 
We  went  into  the  arbitration  and  we  were  astonished  to  find  as 
an  ofi-set  to  the  $15,000,000  awarded  us  under  the  treaty  of  Wash- 
ington for  the  Alabama  claims,  an  award  of  $5,000,000  against  ug 
to  Canada  for  this  alleged  superiority  of  rights  granted  to  u» 
over  what  was  granted  to  them  in  their  fisheries. 

Mr.  FRYE.    An  award  made  by  a  packed  court. 

Mr.  HIGGINS.  I  accept  the  statement  of  the  Senator  from 
Maine.  He  knows  more  about  it  than  J  do.  for  I  was  not  thea 
in  public  life.  But  on  the  abrogation  or  expiration  of  the  treaty 
of  1871,  no  other  arrangements  having  been  entered  into,  the 
Canadians  began  a  systematic  harrying  of  our  fishermen,  seiz- 
ing their  vessels  and  condemning  them  in  their  courts  in  order 
to  compel  the  United  States  to  admit  their  fish  free. 

I  call  the  attention  of  the  Senate  and  the  country  to  the  fact 
that  they  never  tried  that  with  a  Republican  Administration, 
but  they  did  it  in  Mr.  Cleveland's  former  Administration,  that 
Administration  being  full  believers  in  the  doctrine  of  free  trade, 
which  then  would  admitCanadian  fish  free,  as  it  is  now  proposed 
to  admit  Canadian  fish  free  under  the  pending  bill. 

But  they  proposed  atreaty:  and  a  negotiation  wasentered  upon 
in  the  city  of  Washington  that  resulted  in  the  draft  of  a  treaty 
known  as  the  Chamberlain  treaty,  negotiated  on  the  part  of  Eng- 
land by  Mr.  Joseph  Chamberlain,  which  admitted  Canadian  fish 
free  upon  their  granting  to  the  fishermen  of  the  United  States 
these  rights  in  Canadiun  ports.  That  treaty  was  rejected  by  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States,  then  under  a  Republican  majority. 
Thereupon  these  commissioners,  probably  indebted  to  the  good 
sense  of  Mr.  Chamberlain,  who  was  a  practical  man,  tendered  to 
the  United  States  what  is  known  as  the  modufi  vivendi,  under 
which  American  fishermen  pay  to  the  Canadians  for  the  enjoy- 
ment of  these  rights  of  hospitality  -to  land  on  Canadian  shoies 
to  dry  their  fish,  procure  bait  and  seines  and  nets  and  outfits, 
and  transship  their  catch  of  fish — $1.50  per  ton  per  annum  on 
the  tonnage  of  their  vessels. 

That  modus  vw<indi  has  been  continued.  Thus  in  this  uncer- 
tain way  the  fisheries  question  between  the  United  States  and 

1447 


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I 


Canada  remains  outstanding,  and  promises  to  remain  outstand- 
ing while  Canada  remains  a  part  of  the  British  dominion. 

Another  difference  arising  out  of  the  treaty  of  1871  is  the  Ca- 
nadian discrimination  in  respect  to  canal  tolls.  Under  that 
treaty  Canada,  in  respect  to  her  Welland  and  St.  Lawrence  Ca- 
nals,and  the  United  States,  in  regard  totheSaultSte,  Marie  and 
St.  Clair  Plats  Canals,  agreed  to  grant  each  to  the  citizensof  the 
other  country  the  same  privileges  that  were  granted  to  citizens 
of  its  own  country  in  these  canals. 

In  the  face  of  that  the  Canadians  imposed  tolls  of  20  cents  a  ton 
for  all  transportation  through  the  Welland  canal  and  the  other 
canals  and  allowed  a  drawback  of  18  cents  a  ton  on  all  grain 
8hii)pedtoMonti'eal.  thereby  giving  a  differential  rate  of  18  cents 
a  ton  to  the  grain  shipped  to  Montreal,  for  the  obvious  purpose 
of  building  up  the  commerce  of  that  port  to  the  injury  of  the 
commerce  of  American  ports  and  through  American  canals  or 
transportation  in  our  own  country. 

This  was  called  to  the  attention  of  the  Br'tish  commissioners 
by  Mr.  Blaine  in  February,  1H!)2.  According  to  Mr.  Blaine's 
account  they  promised  to  rectify  this  discrimination,  but  accord- 
ing to  their  own  account  they  only  promised  to  take  it  into  con- 
sideration. When  they  got  back  to  Ottawa  it  was  found  that 
the  Canadian  government  was  unwilling  to  discontinue  this 
discrimination  which  it  was  making  in  plain  violation  of  the 
treaty.  Thereupon  President  Harrison  after  due  deliberation 
retaliated  by  imposing  a  like  discriminatory  tariff  upon  all  Cana- 
dian vessels  passing  through  the  American  Sault  St.  Marie 
Canal,  and  there  the  matter  has  remained  but  for  the  reason  that 
the  Canadians  are  paralleling  our  canal  at  that  point  with  one 
of  their  own  couL^truction,  which  is  about  reaching  the  point  of 
completion.  When  it  is  completed  they  will  have  a  system  in 
itself  complete  from  one  end  of  their  country  to  the  other  with- 
out having  to  use  any  part  of  the  American  canals,  and  being 
independent  they  propose  to  discriminate  to  their  heart's  con- 
tent. That  is  the  attitude  they  assume  towards  us  in  that  re- 
spect. 

But  a  matter  of  ver"  much  more  importance  is  the  aggressions 
of  the  Canadian  rail  *  ys  upon  American  railways  and  transpor- 
tation interests  in  thv  internal  commerce  of  the  United  States. 
As  we  all  know,  the  policy  was  adopted  at  the  very  outset  of  our 
Government  that  all  coastwise  commerce  must  be  carried  in 
American  ships.  Not  a  pound  of  British  or  Canadian  or  other 
foreign  freight  between  American  porta  could  be  carried  in 
other  than  American  bottoms;  and  such  is  the  law  to  day.  It 
is  the  law  upon  the  Great  Lakes  quite  as  much  as  it  is  upon  the 
seaboard  on  either  the  Atlantic  or  the  Pacific  coast.  Yet  there 
has  grown  up  a  practice  only  permitted,  not  authorized  by 
law,  by  which  Canadian  railways  carry  American  merchandise 
through  Canadian  territory  from  one  point  in  the  United  States 
to  another  point  in  the  United  States,  thereby  absorbing  traffic 
which  if  carried  on  by  ship  or  vessel  could  only  be  by  an  Ameri- 
can ship  or  vessel. 

The  origin  of  this  was  quite  simple  and  quite  unobjectionable. 
A  moment's  thought  of  the  geographical  boundary  line  between 
ourselves  and  Canada  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  country  shows 
the  origin  of  it.  It  grew  up  under  two  sections,  5  and  (J  of  the 
act  of  Congress  of  July  28,  1800,  now  known  in  the  Revised 

1447 


13 


4 


Statutes  as  sections  3005  and  3C06.  Under  section  3005  any 
goods  or  merchandise  landed  at  the  ports  of  Portland,  Boston, 
New  York,  or  other  ports  to  be  designated  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  and  intended  for  their  final  destination  in  the 
Canadian  Province,  can  be  entered  at  the  custom-house  and  car- 
ried through  the  territory  of  the  United  States  on  cai-s  under 
seal,  and  in  bond,  not  to  violate  the  customs  laws,  without  the 
payment  of  any  duty  to  the  United  States.  Everyone  will  se- 
that  that  is  nothing  but  a  fair  and  wise  and  neighborly  convene 
tion. 

Canada  for  six  months  in  the  year  is  cut  off  from  the  sea  by 
ice.  Montreal  and  Quebec  can  not  be  reached.  The  Intercolon- 
ial road  from  Montreal  and  Quebec  to  Halifax  passes  through 
a  country  practically  impassable  at  that  time  of  the  year.  So 
their  easy  and  natural  course  during  the  ice-bound  season  ia 
through  our  Atlantic  ports;  and  in  that  section  we  have  simply 
said  to  them  that  we  will  permit  goods  to  be  carried  from  Eu- 
rope or  elsewhere  in  foreign  countries  through  our  United  States 
Atlantic  ports  and  over  our  railways  to  Crnada  without  impos- 
ing any  duty,  and  in  a  like  way  from  Canada  to  be  carried  through 
the  United  States  and  exported  from  our  ports  without  the  pay- 
ment of  duties;  and  our  railroads  get  thebenefitof  the  carriage. 

Now,  that  is  one  section,  and  a  very  proper  one.  The  other 
section  is  the  one  under  which  this  abuse  has  grown  up,  and  it 
grew  up  in  this  way.  It  was  very  convenient  to  the  United 
States  to  permit  the  carriage  of  American  goods  through  the 

Eeninsula  of  Ontario  between  Niagara  Falls  on  the  one  side  and 
>etroit  on  the  other,  or  any  other  route  across  that  peninsula, 
for  goods  going  from  the  East  to  the  West  or  from  the  West  to 
the  East.  Both  the  Michigan  Central  and  the  Canadian  South- 
ern roads  cross  the  peninsula  of  Ontario  in  this  way,  and  they 
have  been  in  large  measure  a  convenience  to  American  com- 
merce. I  do  not  know,  and  I  do  not  admit  that  they  are  neces- 
sary to-day.  I  see  no  reason  why  we  should  not  require  that  all 
such  traffic  should  go  over  the  Lake  Shore  or  Nickel-Plate  road 
on  the  south  of  Lake  Erie,  quite  as  well  as  to  go  through  Onta- 
rio on  the  north. 

But  no  objection  ever  would  have  been  raised  to  that.  This 
statute,  to  which  I  have  called  attention,  was  enacted  in  1866,  at 
a  time  when  the  Canadian  Pacific  Road  was  not  projected,  but  in 
1886  the  Canadian  Pacific  Road  was  thrown  open  to  traffic.  Then 
arose  an  exercise  of  the  power  under  the  statute  that  was  never 
contemplated  when  it  was  enacted. 

I  have  omitted  to  say  that  this  statute  is  merely  permissive. 
It  permits  goods  to  be  carried  in  this  way  from  American  ports 
through  Canadipin  territory  undar  regulations  to  be  adopted  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  So  this  whole  traffic  rests  merely 
upon  this  permissive  statute  and  certain  i-egulationsof  the  Treas- 
ury Department,  which  at  any  time  may  be  altered  or  revoked. 

The  Canadian  Pacific  Road  extends  from  ocean  to  ocean.  It 
has  one  terminus  through  the  Intercolonial  at  Halifax  and 
another  through  a  branch  or  terminal  road  it  has  through  the 
State  of  Maine  at  a  port,  the  name  of  which  I  have  forgotten, 
just  north  of  the  boundary  between  Maine  and  Canada;  and  from 
there  it  extends  to  Vancouver  on  the  Pacific  Ocean.  It  has  vari- 
ous connecting  roads:  the  Soo  railroad,  so-called,  from  the  Sault 
Ste.  Marie  through  Wisconsin  to  St.  Paul,  and  the  Wabash 

1447 


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i  {i; 


system,  which  goes  from  Detroit;  the  Boston  and  Maine  system 
on  the  east  and  the  Vermont  Central,  the  Ogdenaburgand  New 
York. 

It  has  various  roads,  which  operate  as  feeders,  extending  down 
into  the  heart  of  our  country.  On  the  Pacific  coast  there  is  a 
line  of  steamers  (I  do  not  know  whether  they  are  run  under  the 
American  or  the  British  flag)  from  San  Francisco  to  Vancouver 
taking  goods  to  be  carried  pver  their  road.  They  make  rates 
from  one  end  A  this  continent  to  the  other  for  American  goods 
carried  through  Canada,  not  merely  goods  whose  transportation 
originally  begins  in  the  States  of  the  northern  border,  but  by 
means  of  these  feeders  on  the  coast,  as  well  as  inland,  extending 
down  into  the  heart  of  our  country.  For  a  reason  I  shall  give 
in  a  moment  they  can  afford  to  make  always  and  every  time  a 
lower  rate  than  any  American  road  can  afford  to  make,  and 
they  do  make  a  rate  low  enough  to  secure  the  traffic. 

Thus,  Mr.  President,  ashipperat  San  Francisco  can  send  goods 
destined  to  New  York  up  the  coast  to  Vancouver,  across  the  con- 
tinent by  the  Canadian  Pacific,  then  down  to  New  York  by  its 
eastern  connection,  at  a  lower  rate  than  he  can  send  by  an 
American  railway.  How  is  it  that  theC  madian  Pacificcan com- 
mand this  trade?  It  is  because  unless  it  had  this  traffic  it  could 
not  exist  as  a  business  undertaking.  It  could  not  earn  its  own 
axle  grease  by  Canadian  traffic  alone. 

After  leaving  Ontario  it  passes  a  long  distance  through  unin- 
habited regions  until  it  reaches  Manitoba,  where  there  is  but 
a  relatively  small  population,  and  after  leaving  there  it  goes 
through  another  waste  equally  long,  and  over  the  triple  ranges 
of  the  Rocky  and  other  mountains  to  British  Columbia.  But  be- 
cause it  earns  nothing  from  Canadian  freight  it  can  afford  to  take 
American  freight  at  any  rate  lower  than  the  rate  made  by  an 
AmericF«n  railway,  because  whatever  it  gets  is  just  that  much 
more  than  nothing.  This  is  the  attack  that  is  leveled  by  the 
Canadian  corporation  at  the  railway  and  transportation  inter- 
ests of  the  United  States. 

Now,  if  this  was  done  by  a  merely  commercial  corporation  it 
would  be  important  enough  and  serious  enough,  but  it  is  a  very 
much  more  serious  matter.  The  Canadian  Pacific  road  was 
constructed  primarily  not  for  commercial  purposes  so  much  as 
for  political,  military,  and  imperial  purposes.  It  was  to  make 
t>  is  railway  and  the  Dominion  of  Canada  the  connecting  link 
uetween  Great  Britain  on  the  one  side  and  her  Asiatic  and  Pa- 
cific Ocean  dependencies  upon  the  other.  It  was  intended  to 
accomplish  the  same  object  for  which  the  Dominion  of  Canada 
was  created    the  consolidau'.on  of  the  confederated  Canadian 

Erovinces  under  one  government  in  order  to  maintain  their 
oraogoneity  and  their  dependence  upon  and  alleigriance  to  the 
British  Crown.  It  was  intended  for  the  transport  tion  of  troops 
and  munitions  of  war  from  one  part  of  Canada  to  another  part 
of  Canada,  and  to  weld  the  whole  together  into  one  harmonious 
entity. 

These  rates  are  made  not  merely  from  the  coast;  thoyare  made 
from  points  inland.  I  can  say  that  positively ,  because  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Committee  on  Interstate  Commerce  of  the  Senate,  in 
a  recent  hearing  with  reference  to  the  amendment  or  repeal  of 
the  clause  of  the  interstate-commerce  act  forbidding  pooling,  we 
had  before  us  a  very  intelligent  witness,  havingafull  knowledge 

1447 


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of  our  internal  trade  by  railway,  who  testified  to  the  fact  that  the 
Canadian  Pacific  road  made  rates  to  the  East  for  their  grain  in  the 
very  heurtof  Iowa,  and  thus  from  St.  Paul,  from  Iowa,  from  Den- 
ver, from  all  points  in  the  heart  of  the  country,  this  marader 
u)^on  our  internal  commerce  and  traffic  levies  its  contributions 
upon  our  American  labor. 

The  fact  that  this  was  a  political  rather  than  a  mere  commer- 
cial scheme  is  shown  in  its  innate  character  and  policy;  but 
there  \a  direct  evidence  in  regard  to  it.  Sir  E.  W.  Watkin, 
member  of  the  British  Parliament,  in  a  work  upon  "  Canad'  and 
the  States.'"  published  in  1887,  in  his  preface  speaks  abov  this. 
Sir  Edward  Watkin  made,  I  believe,  some  thirty  visits  across 
the  Atlantic  with  regard  to  strengthening  the  British  connec- 
tion. He  says: 
Is  this  great  work- 
It  was  the  year  after  the  railway  was  opened — 

the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway,  to  be  left  as  a  monument,  at  cnco,  of  Can- 
ada's loyalty  and  fores  «ht.  and  of  Canada's  bturayal;  or  is  it  to  be  made 
the  new  land-route  to  our  Eastern  and  Australian  Empire?  If  it  is  to  be 
shunted,  then  the  explorations  of  the  last  three  hundred  years  have  been 
In  vain.  The  dreams  of  some  of  the  greatest  statesmen  of  past  times  are  re- 
duced to  dreams,  and  nothing  more.  The  strength  given  by  this  glorious 
self-contained  route,  from  the  old  country  to  all  the  new  countries,  is  wasted. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  those  who  now  govern  inherit  the  great  traditions 
of  the  past;  if  they  believe  in  empire;  if  they  are  statesmen— then,  a  line  of 
military  posts  of  strength  and  magnitude,  beginning  at  Halifax  on  the  At- 
lantic, and  ending  at  the  Paclflc.  will  give  power  to  the  Dominion,  and 
wherever  the  red-coat  appears  coulidenca  in  the  brave  old  country  will  be 
restored. 

Which  lo  it  to  be? 

Seme  years  ago.  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald  said:  "  I  hope  to  live  to  see  the 
da/,  and  If  J  do  not.  th,nt  my  son  may  bo  spared,  to  see  Canada  the  right  arm 
of  England.  To  see  Canada  a  powerful  auxiliary  of  the  Empire,  not,  as  now, 
a  source  of  anxiety  and  a  source  of  danger." 

Later  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald,  in  an  interview  with  a  repre- 
sentative of  the  Pall  Mall  Gazette,  said  what  I  shall  read  from 
the  testimony  of  Mr.  .Joseph  Nimmo,  jr.,  before  the  Select  Com- 
mittee on  Relations  with  Canada,  at  page  894  of  Senate  Report 
1530,  part  2,  Fifty-first  Congress,  first  session: 

About  three  years  ago  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald  divulged  to  one  of  the  edi- 
tors of  the  Pall  Mall  Gazette  the  politico-commercial  idea  upon  which  the 
whole  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  enterprise  is  based.  He  described  it  as  a 
railroad  extending  from  ocean  to  ocean,  and  superior  to  the  American  roads 
by  virtue  of  that  fact,  and  the  fact  that  it  enjoys  a  monopoly  of  the  trans- 
continental traftli",  of  Canada.  Then,  in  an  outburst  of  enthusiasm,  he  an- 
nounced the  fact  that  he  was  an  imperial  confederatlonlst,  and  a  firm  ad- 
herent of  '  •  Greater  Britalnlsm. "  Referring  to  the  Canadian  Paciilc  Railway 
as  a  part  of  an  enormous  political  scheme,  he  said ; 

"  With  England  as  a  central  power,  with  Australia  and  South  Africa  as 
auxiliaries,  we  (the  Confederated  Urltish  Empire)  must  control  the  seas, 
and  the  control  of  the  sea  means  the  control  of  the  world." 

The  leaders  of  the  political  party  in  power  in  Canada  to-day  make  no  at- 
tempt to  disguise  their  purpose.  The  Handbook  of  Canada  recently  pub- 
lished by  the  Dominion  government,  states  that  the  Canadian  Pacific  was 
constructed ''in  the  Interests  of  the  Empire  at  large,  as  well  as  those  of  Can- 
ada," and  it  adds  that  If  these  far-seeing  plans  had  been  taken  up  when  first 
mooted,  "Canada  would  have  been  at  least  two  generations  in  atrvanee  of 
her  present  position,  while  'Greater  Hritain'  (i.  «..  Urltish  Imperial  coufed 
eratlon)  would  have  been  in  a  much  hlgherstate  of  development  than  it  Is." 
This  significant  remark  also  follows: 

"It  was  a  singular  coincidence  andperhaps  a  prophetic  omen  of  the  future 
imperial  importance  of  this  railway,  that  the  first  loaded  train  that  passed 
over  Us  entire  length  from  ocean  to  oeean  was  fi-eighted  with  naval  stores 
belonging  to  the  imperial  war  department,  transferred  from  Quebec  to  Van- 
couver." 

In  speaking  of  the  negotiations  for  a  British  subsidy  Id  favor  of  the  Caua- 
1M7 


mm 


16 


^ 


dian  Pacific  ftteamer  line  to  Cliina  and  Japan,  the  president  of  that  railroad 
said  in  his  annual  report  for  1887: 

'•  The  Imperial  Interests  Involved  In  this  question  are  so  important  that 
there  can  be  little  doubt  of  a  satisfactory  result." 

If  this  matter  were  confined  to  railway  transportation  it  could 
be  thwarted;  but  the  scheme  is  more  far-re;iching,  and  in  part  it 
has  been  carried  out.  In  connection  with  the  C.inadian  Paciflo 
road  there  has  been  established  on  the  Pacific  a  line  of  fast 
steamers,  heavily  subsidized  by  the  British  and  Canadian  Gov- 
ernments, running  from  Vancouver,  the  Pacific  terminus  of  the 
Canadian  Pacific  road,  to  Jap.in  and  China  by  one  route,  and  to 
Australia  by  the  other;  while  ships  are  now  building  under  the 
assurance  of  a  like  subsidy  and  like  speed,  faster,  or  as  fast  a» 
any  yet  put  upon  the  ocean,  to  run  betwean  Halifax  and  Liver- 
pool. 

This  means  British  invasion  of  the  Pacific  market— the  last 
refuge  of  the  once  almost  triumphant  American  marine.  Un- 
til this  competition  arose  the  Pacific  Mail  and  other  lines  of 
American  steamers  commanded  *he  trade  between  San  Francisco 
and  our  other  ports  on  the  Pacific  coast  and  Japan,  China,  Hawaii, 
and  Austnilia,  and  generally  our  American  trade  in  what  up  to 
recent  times  has  been  a  most  remote  region  of  the  globe.  The 
condition  is  now  different.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  civil  war  we 
had  the  seoond  gre itest  marine  of  the  world  anl  were  fast  chal- 
lenging British  supremacy.  The  Alabama,  the  Shenandoah,  and 
the  Florida  put  an  end  to  that.  Sailing  from  British  ports,  our 
Southern  friends  were  able  to  drive  the  knife  home  to  our  vitals. 
It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  by  this  bill  they  will  succeed  ia 
increasing  the  damage  which  was  inflicted  then. 

But  this  imperial  extension  does  not  stop  with  the  I'ailways  or 
the  fast  sailing  vessels  at  the  ocean  termini  of  the  railroads. 
There  is  now  projected  an  ocean  cable  between  Vancouver  and 
Australia  in  opposition  to  a  French  cable  which  has  been  pro- 
jected to  one  of  the  Australian  colonies,  I  believe,  from  some 
point  on  the  coast  of  Asia.  On  the  2l8t  of  the  present  month 
there  is  to  meet  in  Ottawa  a  conference  of  repressntatives  from 
Great  Britain,  the  Australian  colonies,  and  the  Dominion  of 
Canada,  to  consider  the  joint  and  respective  subsidizing  of  an 
ocean  cable  from  Vancouver  to  Australia  as  a  completion  of  this 
imperial  scheme  of  commercial  advantage  and  military  aggres- 
sion and  defense. 

I  read  at  this  point  a  short  extract  from  a  letter  to  the  Lon| 
don  Times  of  the  25th  of  May  last  from  a  correspondent  who  has 
been  writing  voluminously  to  the  Times  from  Canada  with  re- 
gard to  the  matter.    He  says: 

And  for  what  purpose  was  this  mighty  barrier  of  the  Rockies  and  Selklrks, 
600  miles  wide,  to  be  crossed? 

Not  to  tmitetwo  Kreat  communities  striving  for  closer  Intercourse,  as  was 
the  case  when  the  40,000,000  people  of  the  Eastean  and  Western  States,  al- 
ready advanced  far  beyond  the  Mississippi,  made  the  first  American  line 
across  a  narrower  range  of  mountains  to  get  In  touch  with  San  Francisco, 
and  the  large  population  of  the  Pacific  States,  which  was  also  pressing  up 
to  the  Dase  of  the  Ho'kles.  In  Eastern  Canada  there  were  only  4,000,  OOJ  peo- 
ple: in  lirltish  Columbia  there  were  less  than  50.000  white  people— the  pop- 
ulation of  a  small  English  manufacturing  town— and  few  of  these  on  the 
mainland,  when  the  railroad  was  undertaken. 

It  was  to  complete  and  round  off  a  national  conception;  to  pave  the  way 
for  commercial  and  political  advantages  as  yet  far  remote,  and  by  many 
deemed  imaiinary,  that  the  work  was  faced.  British  Columbia.  Insignifi- 
cant in  population,  was  significant  enough  in  position  and  in  some  of  its 
resources.  It  fronted  on  the  Pacific;  it  had  splendid  harbors  and  abundant 
coal;  it  supplied  a  new  base  of  sea  power  and  commercial  iuQuence.  U  3Ug- 
1447 


17 


gested  a  new  and  short  pathway  to  the  Orient  and  Australasia.  The  states- 
men at  Ottawa,  who  in  186"  be^an  to  look  over  the  Rockies  to  continents  be- 
yond the  Pacific,  were  not  wanting:  In  Imagination:  many  claimed  that 
their  Imagluatlou  outran  their  reason;  but  In  the  rapid  course  of  events 
their  dreams  have  already  been  more  than  Justified. 

They  were,  perhaps,  building  even  better  than  they  supposed.  We  now 
know,  when  Japanese  and  Australian  mall  and  trade  routes  are  already 
accomplished  facts,  and  Pacific  cable  schemes  are  being  dl8ous.sed.  and  the 
docks  and  fortifications  of  Esqulmalt  are  being  completed  jointly  by  Britain 
and  Canada,  that  they  were  supplying  the  ml.-islng  Joints  and  fastening  the 
rivets  of  empire.  While  they  were  doing  this  they  were  also  clving  politi- 
cal consolidation  to  the  older  provinces  of  Canada.  Common  asplrathms 
and  a  great  common  task,  with  the  stirring  of  enthuslam  which  followed  on 
the  sudden  widening  of  the  Canadian  horizon,  did  more  than  anything  else 
to  draw  those  provinces  out  of  their  own  narrow  circles  and  to  give  them 
the  sense  of  a  larger  citizenship. 

So,  though  British  Columbia  made  no  great  addition  to  the  population  of 
Canada,  its  absorption  Into  the  Dominion  some  yeais  after  confederation, 
and  the  pledge  of  a  transcontinental  railway  which  was  the  condition  ot 
that  absorption,  marked  a  great  turning  point  in  Canadian  lUstory. 

Vancouver  is  the  meetlni?  place  of  the  Empire's  extreme  west  and  east 
and  south,  for  of  the  two  main  lines  of  steamships  which  frequent  the  port, 
one  has  Its  further  terminus  at  Hongkong,  the  other  at  Sydney.  Their  pres- 
ence vindicates  the  policy  which  led  Canada  to  make  such  sacrifices  to  se- 
cui'e  a  base  upon  the  Pacific. 

Mr.  President,  it  does  not  even  stop  there.  I  brought  with 
me,  but  can  not  lay  my  hands  upon  it  this  moment,  a  clipping 
from  the  London  Times  which  says  that  on  April  25  It  had  in- 
telligence from  Apia  that  the  conference  at  Ottawa  would  con- 
sider the  question  ol  the  disposition  of  Samoa,  and  that  colonial 
interests  require  the  putting  to  an  end  of  the  tripartite  arrange- 
ments now  governing  Samoa. 

So,  Mr.  President,  we  mark  the  interesting  advent  of  a  new 
feature  in  the  dominion  of  the  world.  We  have  known  in  the 
past  plenty  ot  things  that  have  been  done  in  support  of  British 
interests,  but  we  now  have  the  introduction  of  colonial  interests. 
I  trust  that  the  day  will  be  long  distant  when  for  any  consider- 
able time,  at  least,  there  will  be  a  disregard  in  this  Chamber  ot 
American  interests. 

But  this  feature  )f  the  question  does  not  rest  here.  It  began 
with  the  existence  and  presence  on  our  Atlantic  coast  ot  the 
fortifications  at  Halifax,  Bermuda,  and  Kingston  in  Jamaica: 
not  aimed  at  Fi-ance,  not  aimed  at  Europe,  not  aimed  at  Ger- 
many,,nor  at  Russia.  They  can  be  aimed  at  nobody  but  the 
United  States  of  America  and  her  colonial  po->ts.  Now,  we  are 
having  added  by  the  joint  cimtributions  of  British  and  Canadian 
funds  a  like  fortification  aA  Eaquimault,  in  the  n  ighborhood  of 
Vancouver.  It  is  idle  to  say  that  it  is  being  built  t^cause  of  the 
Russian  fortress  at  Vladiovostock  on  the  tar-olt'  Pacific  shore  of 
the  Rassian  Po.-sessions.  It  is  a  menace  and  a  thi'eat  at  Paget 
Sound,  and  Portland,  and  San  Francisco,  and  San  Diego.  It  can 
be  no  other. 

I  do  not  find  fault  with  this.  Everybody  has  a  right  to  take 
care  ot  his  own,  and  Gieat  Britain  has  a  right  to  take  care  of  her 
own.  What  I  do  find  fault  with  is  that  these  grave  facts  are 
being  ignored  by  American  statesmen,  who  thereby  fail  to  take 
care  of  their  own. 

But,  Mr.  President,  not  only  these  lines  of  shipping,  but  the 
Canadian  Pacific  road  itself  Was  built  by  subsidies.  It  never 
1447 8 


18 


m 


could  have  been  built  otherwise.  The  amount  which  waa  given 
in  va'"ious  forms  and  ways  for  the  construction  of  the  lines  of 
railroa<'  aim  been  variously  estimated  at  from  two  hundred  and 
fifty  to  three  hundred  million  dollars,  in  addition  to  the  subsi- 
dies that  are  given  to  the  line  of  steamships  from  Vancouver  to 
the  Orient  and  to  Australia,  and  that  are  to  be  given  on  the  line 
from  Halifax  to  Liverpool,  and  upon  the  proposed  oceanic  cable 
from  Vancouver  to  Australia. 

We  hear  enough  of  the  doctrine  of  Cobden — laissez  faire — let 
things  go  as  they  will.  I  do  not  propose  to  trench  upon  the 
ground  treated  of  in  such  a  masterful  fashion  by  the  junior 
Senator  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Lodge]  in  the  earlier  stages 
of  this  debate.  No  more  striking  illustration  of  this  is  furnished 
than  by  the  present  example  to  which  I  am  alluding,  that  while 
Great  Britain  wisely  relies  upon  free  trade  where  it  is  to  her 
advantage,  she  does'not  hesitate  to  offer  subsidies  and  bounties, 
and  to  apply  the  doctrine  of  protection  wherever  that  will  be  to 
her  advanfcige.  So  we  have  built  around  us  by  subsidies  a  cor- 
don of  railway  and  steamer  lines  encroaching  upon  our  domestic 
and  foreign  commerce,  as  well  as  a  military  and  naval  cordon 
that  in  any  time  of  ditTerence  would  be  precipitated  upon  our 
undefended  cities  and  shores. 

Mr.  President,  in  this  dark  picture  there  is  one  bright  spot 
that  gleams  out  on  the  skjr  like  the  North  star,  shining  with  no 
borrowed  light,  drawing  its  luster  from  no  sun,  a  lesson  of  cour- 
age and  of  statesmanship  worthy  to  be  learned  by  the  men  who, 
sitting  in  this  Chamber,  direct  the  destinies  of  the  American 
Re])ublic.  I  refer  to  that  noble  band  of  Americans  in  Hawaii, 
the  picket  guard,  the  outpost  of  American  interests,  standing 
there  by  themselves,  loyal  to  the  country  of  their  origin,  loyal 
to  the  ideas  which  carried  them  there,  not  to  be  seduced  and 
not  to  be  driven  even  by  the  resistless  power  of  that  Ilepublie 
for  whose  interests  they  have  stood  and  whose  rulers  with  folly 
predestinate  strove  to  overthrow  them. 

Mr.  President,  there  is  one  safe  point  for  American  interests 
in  the  Pacific  Ocean.  There  is  no  merit  in  the  American  Gov- 
ernment; but  a  good  deal  is  due  the  American  people  for  the  in- 
fluence they  have  exerted  in  this  critical  exigency  iu  their 
affairs. 

This  country,  with  its  vast  resources,  with  its  magnificent  pos- 
sibilities, with  a  prosperity  up  to  the  time  of  the  udven*^  of  the 
Democratic  Administration  without  parallel  in  the  exj  rience 
or  history  of  the  world,  could  well  afford  to  contemplate  with 
equanimity  and  relative  indifference  any  pi-osperity  which  Can- 
ada might  have  by  any  means  whatsoever. 

We  mi<!rht  look  on  and  view  it  with  comparative  indifference. 
Certainly  if  that  were  all.  I  should  not  submit  the  remarks  I  am 
now  making  to  present  this  view  of  the  subject.  But  we  are 
concerned  as  respects  the  Canadian  Pacific  road  and  its  influence, 
with  the  removal  of  a  duty  upon  wool  and  upon  Canadian  natural 
products,  and  the  effect  of  that  policy  upon  the  future  problem  of 
the  unity  of  the  English-speaking  people  of  this  continent. 

No  American  has  any  thought  of  the  conquest  of  Canada  by 
force  of  arms.  Profoundly  as  many  Americans  believe  that  the 
welfare  of  all  English-speaking  people  upon  the  continent,  on 
whatever  side  of'  the  line  they  may  live,  demands  the  unity  of 

14i7 


19 


the  two  peoples  under  one  Government,  we  would  not  be  willing 
to  accept  such  a  unity  as  the  result  of  war  of  conquest. 

If  Canada  comes  to  the  United  States  she  must  come  of  her 
own  free  will  and  as  a  result  of  her  recognition  and  her  realiza- 
tion that  such  unity  is  demanded  by  her  own  permanent  and 
paramount  interests.  I  am  one  of  those  who  believe  that  the 
peimanent  and  paramount  interests  of  the  American  people  and 
those  who  live  on  our  side  of  the  line  equally  demand  the  union 
of  the  continent,  and  hence  I  am  opposed  to  the  policy  of  the 
present  bill  and  the  rate  of  duties  it  imposes  upon  Canadian 
products. 

The  dominating  fact  for  Canadian  and  American  alike  is  the 
American  market.  It  is  a  necessity  to  Canada  equally  with  the 
United  States.  Canada  in  respect  to  it  holds  a  peculiar  place 
arising  out  of  her  geographical  position.  Canada  is  divided  into 
four  distinct  and  sepai-ate  sections,  each  separated  from  the  otlior 
by  a  vast  uninhabited  waste,  having  no  immediate  trade  or  com- 
merce witb  one  another.  You  have  on  the  east  the  maritime 
provinces;  in  the  eastern  center,  Ontirio  and  Quebec;  in  the 
western  center,  Manitoba  and  the  northwestern  provinces,  and. 
on  the  Pacific  coast,  British  Columbia.  Their  natural  trade  is 
with  the  United  States  rather  than  with  each  other.  If  you 
were  to  compare  them  to  the  fingers  of  one  hand,  the  tie  is  n;it- 
urally  with  the  palm  rather  than  with  each  other.  That  palm 
in  this  cfise  is  the  United  States. 

The  prosperity  of  the  maritime  provinces  rests  upon  their 
being  able  to  trade  freely  with  New  England  and  the  eastern 
section  of  our  country.  In  like  manner  the  prosperity  of  (Ju^'bec 
and  Montreal  depends  upon  their  free  access  to  the  markets  of 
our  neighboring  States.  So  with  Manitoba  and  British  Colum- 
bia. They  are  merely  joined  together  by  this  political  road  and 
by  no  natural  tie,  as  they  would  be  if  they  lay  along  the  same 
line  of  longitude  but  different  lines  of  latitude,  instead  of  lying 
along  the  same  lines  of  latitude. 

If  the  union  between  Canada  and  the  United  States  that  was 
made  in  176;}  by  Chatham  and  Wolfe  had  not  been  broken  up  by 
the  American  Revolution,  to-day  it  is  altogether  probable  that 
instead  of  ."),000,0i»()  people  Canada  would  have  20,000,0(K)  people, 
and  if  she  could  have,  without  obstruction,  free  access  to  our 
markets  for  her  natural  products,  especially  wool,  while  she  is 
free  to  impose  duties  against  us  for  manufactured  goods,  she 
would  grow  in  like  manner. 

But  for  the  growth  that  was  made  during  the  pendency  of  the 
reciprocity  treaty  of  1854  she  would  not  have  anything  like  the 
population  she  has  to-day.  Under  the  influence  of  the  adverse 
tariffs,  particularly  those  of  the  McKinley  act.  one-third  of  the 
people  born  in  Canada  are  to-day  residents  and  possibly  citizens 
of  the  United  States.  She  is  but  a  way  station  for  immigrants, 
that  are  brought  to  her  shores  at  great  expense  and  after  great 
advertising,  for  their  ultimate  destination  in  America. 

Her  entire  prosperity,  so  far  as  it  depends  upon  the  American 
market,  is  of  absolutely  uncertain' foundation  just  so  long  as  she 
remains  a  distinct  country. 

Whatever  may  have  been  their  di-eams  about  reciprocal  trade, 
they  were  rudely  broken  up  by  the  McKinley  tariff:  and  what- 
ever expectation  they  may  nave  of  prosperity  from  the  pending 

1447 


20 

bill,  they  may  rest  equally  assured  that  at  the  end  of  four  years, 
whatever  business  may  be  started  during  that  time  is  liable  to 
be  cut  up  by  the  roots  by  another  President  and  another  Con- 
gress who  will  hold  sway  here  at  that  time. 

The  Canadian  Pacific  Road,  as  I  have  already  said,  rests  for 
its  trade  upon  our  sufferance,  upon  a  merely  permissive  statute 
and  a  Tretisury  regulation.  I  am  not  unaware  of  the  strength  of 
the  position  it  holds  by  reason  of  the  certain  or  uncertain  trans- 
poT'tation  advantages  in  cheaper  freights  that  it  gives  to  the  dis- 
tinct sections  of  our  country  on  the  northern  border.  I  am  aware 
that  parts  of  New  England  have  made  use  of  the  Canadian  Pa- 
cific Lioadto  obviate  what  they  consider  to  be  the  unfair  results 
to  them  of  the  antipooling  and  the  long  and  short  haul  clauses 
of  the  interstate  commerce  act. 

Their  patriotism  may  not  be  enough  for  so  severe  a  test,  but  "t 
is  possible  that  the  clause  of  the  interstate  commerce  act  forbid- 
ding pooling  may  either  be  repealed  or  greatly  modified,  and 
the  long  and  short  haul  clause  as  it  applies  to  them  may  be  modi- 
fied .  and  thus  they  can  have  a  relief  from  what  they  consider  the 
hardships  of  that  act  without  feeling  compelled  unpatriotically 
to  build  up  a  foreign  corporation  at  the  cost  of  the  permanent 
and  pai'amount interests  of  theirown  country:  and  the  same  may 
be  said  of  every  community  and  every  city  along  the  whole 
northern  border  from  one  ocean  to  the  other. 

One  or  two  other  problems  in  like  manner  are  outstanding 
and  not  to  be  solved  by  any  scheme  of  policy  found  in  the  pend- 
ing bill.  We  need  not  have  had  any  trouble  about  the  Alaskan 
seals.  We  need  not  have  had  any  arbitration  ov'  ■  the  seals. 
You  needed  only  to  have  suggested  that  the  transportation  in 
bond  and  under  seal  of  goods  through  Canada  between  American 
ports  would  be  suspended  to  have  put  an  end  to  every  proposi- 
tion of  the  Canjwiians  to  poach  upon  our  seals.  That  would  have 
been  a  swift  and  a  short  remedy,  and  a  complete  one.  If  Canada 
and  British  Columbia  had  been  a  part  of  the  American  Union 
we  would  have  had  no  seal  question. 

There  was  no  marauding  ujjon  the  seals  from  American  ports.  ' 
It  was  only  from  Canadian  ports:  and  it  is  to  be  borne  in  mind 
that  the  British  Government  did  not  want  to  engage  in  it.  Lord 
Salisbury,  an  English  nobleman— gentleman,  perforce — wascom- 
pelled  to  become  the  agent  of  the  Canadian  poachers  to  trench 
upon  our  right  to  the  seals  purchased  from  Russia,  belonging 
properly  to  the  owners  of  the  Pribyloff  Islands,  if  not  by  any 
law  hitherto  laid  down,  by  a  law  that  ought  to  be  laid  down  under 
the  circumstances  of  the  peculiar  case,  as  law  always  is  a  growth 
in  the  application  of  sound  prineiples  to  new  facts.  Thus  we 
have  the  most  unsatisfactory  condition  of  this  seal  question  left 
to  us  as  a  consequence  of  our  present  relations  with  Canada. 

But  there  is  another  question,  Mr.  President,  of  far  greater 
importance.  There  is  no  doubt  about  the  attitude  or  the  policy  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States  on  Chinese  immigration.  There 
ought  to  be  none  in  the  Democratic  party.  We  believe  in  their 
exclusion.  Certainly  we  have  had  trouble  enough  from  race 
questions  in  this  country.  We  do  not  want  to  introduce  another. 
I  am  one  of  those  who  would  give  the  largest  measure  of  justice 
to  the  negro,  but  no  one  realizes  more  than  he  does  the  hardship 

1447 


21 


that  is  beingr  imposed  upon  the  people  by  his  presence  under  the 
circumstances  as  a  part  of  the  American  Republic. 

We  do  not  want  to  bring  the  Chinese  here,  we  all  say,  and  yet 
to-day  any  Chinaman  cnn  come  into  British  Columbia  by  the 
payment  of  a  license  of  $50,  and  then  walk  across  the  border, 
and  you  can  not  detect  it  or  prevent  it.  So  while  we  are  stop- 
ping up  all  other  gaps,  this  great  wide  one  is  left  open,  and  that 
too  while  this  fast  line  of  steamers  is  put  on  between  Van- 
couver and  Chinese  ports,  that  will  greatly  facilitate  all  means  of 
transportation,  while  the  owners  of  these  ships  will  have  all  the 
inducements  to  make  money  by  the  transportation  of  the  Chinese. 

But,  Mr.  President,  the  American  people  have  a  large  inter- 
eat  in  this  question  themselves,  and  from  our  st'indpoint  I  took 
occasion  a  few  days  ago,  in  the  course  of  this  debate,  to  call  at- 
tention to  the  fact  that  we  have  arrived  at  the  end  of  our  last 
available  land  for  honieateading.  Possibly  there  may  be  a  few 
acres  added  from  the  Indian  reservations.  The  rush  for  the 
Cherokee  Strip  a  year  ajfO  furnished  an  object  lesson.  For  the 
first  time  since  .John  Smith  landed  at  .Taraestown,  or  the  Pil- 
grims at  Plymouth  liock,  there  is  no  longer  a  home  for  any 
American  in  need  or  want  to  be  had  for  the  asking  and  the  tak- 
ing. That  idea  has  been  almost  like  what  metaphysicians  tell 
us  of  time  and  space,  that  they  are  conditions  of  thought.  One 
never  thought  of  America  but  that  there  was  a  suggestion  of  a 
farm  for  everyone. 

Uncle  Sam  la  rich  enough  to  give  us  all  a  farm, 

Very  little  attention  has  been  called  to  this  fact,  and  yet  the 
future  historian  will  speak  of  it  as  one  of  the  epochs  of  America 
and  its  people,  ranking  in  importance  with  the  discovery  of  the 
continent  by  Columbus,  with  the  landing  at  .famestown  and  at 
Plymouth  Rock,  with  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  the 
destruction  of  slavery.  The  army  of  the  unemployed  can  no 
longer  go  out  upon  the  prairie  and  find  a  home  and  a  compe- 
tence for  the  breaking  of  the  soil.  They  can  no  longer  go  into 
the  forest  and  find  a  competence  by  the  clearing  up  of  land.  It 
is  all  in  private  ownership  and  has  to  be  paid  for,  even  though 
much  of  it  is  yet  practically  unocupied. 

The  unemployed  to-day  are  not  going  to  the  prairie.  They 
are  joining  the  army  of  the  unemployed,  or  Coxey's  army. 
North  of  us  in  Canada  there  is  an  illimitable  expanse  of  unoccu- 
pied lands,  and  the  isothermal  lip'>s  formed  by  the  chinook  winds 
coming  across  the  low  passes  the  Rocky  Mountains  to  the 
north  make  the  land  habital)l<  and  arable  and  profitable  to  oc- 
cupy away  up  on  the  Peace  River  of  the  North. 

To-day  the  Senate  is  going  to  vote  to  break  down  the  barrier  be- 
tween the  American  people  and  that  land  and  turn  the  tide  of 
emigration  north.  Mr.  President,  shall  they  go  there  under  the 
American  flag  or  go  there  under  Her  Majesty's  flag?  That  is 
an  issue  of  great  moment  to  this  continent  and  to  all  who  live 
on  it  now  or  hereafter. 

So  far  our  policy  has  kept  our  people  within  our  own  limits. 
Now,  there  is  proposed  one  which  will  expatriate  our  people  and 
send  them  as  emigrants  upon  a  foreign  soil.  1  say  to  our  South- 
ern brethren,  who  held  the  other  day  a  convention  at  Augusta  to 
advance  immigratiou  to  the  South,  that  their  talk  is  idle .    They 

1447 


22 


can  not  compass  it  by  the  policy  of  this  bill.  Not  South  will 
this  hungry  people  go  to  buy  land  or  to  compete  with  the  negro. 
You  are  going  to  send  them  north  tc  build  up  a  new  empire 
under  an  alien  flag. 

Mr.  President,  to  the  Senate,  to  the  country,  to  the  continent 
and  its  people  there  is  presented  the  most  momentous  question 
of  the  day.  Compared  with  it,  your  talk  about  parties  and  pros- 
perity and  power,  or  wealth  or  taxation  or  welfare,  is  idle  and 
relatively  unimportant.  It  is  the  great  question  of  peace  or  of 
war.  We  have  had  it  before.  This  is  not  the  first  time  this 
people  have  had  that  issue  presented  to  them;  and  when  they 
were  confronted  with  it  they  gave  no  uncertain  answer  or  sound. 

No  one  I'ecognizes  more  than  I  do  the  ine.xorable  influence 
that  drove  the  South  into  rebellion.  But,  Mr.  President,  if  the 
South  did  not  fight  to  preserve  slavery,  the  North  did  not  fijjfht 
to  destroy  it.  If  the  South  fought  for  the  right  of  secession,  the 
North  was  nerved  to  the  expenditure  of  its  last  dollar  and  the 
last  drop  of  its  blood  because  it  intended  that  there  never  should 
be  on  this  continent,  if  it  could  help  it,  two  governments. 

We  should  not  adopt  a  policy  that  would  create  on  the  North 
the  same  conflict  that  we  had  made  upon  the  South,  and  I  said 
it  in  terms  without  any  reflection  whatever  upon  the  causes 
that  led  to  the  late  civil  war. 

Now,  Mr.  President,  because  of  the  5,000,000  people  on  the 
Noi'th  we  have  the  least  possible  concern.  It  is  not  a  power 
that  threatens  us  in  the  least.  Coupled  with  the  military  and 
naval  power  of  Great  Britain,  it  becomes  a  matter  of  much  more 
concern,  and  yet  we  take  it  easily.  But  it  will  be  a  matter  of  vital 
difference  when  Canada  contains  a  population  of  20,000, 000  or  of 
50,000,000.  Then,  Mr.  President,  we  shall  again  have  the  ques- 
tion presented  of  peace  or  war.  As  I  have  already  pointed  out, 
the  existing  foreign  military  establishment  of  forts  and  naval 
armament  is  a  threat  and  menace  upon  our  coasts.  When  that 
comes,  whatever  the  time  or  period  may  be,  there  will  be  a 
trial  of  strength. 

Mr.  President,  the  matter  would  be  very  different  if  Canada 
were  independent  of  Great  Britain,  but  asadependency  of  Great 
Britain  she  becomes  a  part  of  the  European  system,  a  system 
the  character  of  which  is  best  designated  by  the  term  used  as 
"the  balance  of  power."  She  is  subject  to  all  the  vicissitudes  of 
war  and  peace  to  which  Great  Britain  herself  is  subject,  grow- 
ing out  of  European  and  Asiatic  complications.  We  have  no 
cause  of  war  that  is  not  distinctively  American,  but  Canada  ia 
involved  in  all  causes  of  war  which  are  European  or  Asiatic. 

The  difterence  between  Russia  and  England  in  India  may 
create  war  for  Canada.  The  diiTerences  between  France  and 
England  in  Africa  may  create  war  for  Canada.  She  is  liable  to 
become  involved  at  any  time,  and  whenever  she  does  the  inter- 
ests of  nations  determine  their  course  and  their  policy,  just  as 
in  the  war  of  1812  or  in  the  Napoleonic  wars  we  were  finally 
involved  in  conflict  with  Canada.  So  in  the  future  we  aro  likely 
to  be.  To-day,  growing  out  of  Asiatic  and  European  complica- 
tions, England  is  the  silent  partner  of  the  Triple  Alliance  or  the 
Dreibund  made  up  of  Germany,  Austria,  and  Italy.  Against 
them  stands  the  tacit  alliance  of  Russia  and  Prance. 

I  can  conceive  that  in  the  event  of  the  conflagration  of  war 

1117 


23 

breaking  out  upon  the  European  continent  we  should  find  that 
our  interests  were  identical  or  at  least  lay  alongside  of  those 
of  Russia  and  France.  It  would  not  be  so  if  England  were  to 
withdraw  from  this  continent.  With  that  witlidmwal  would 
end  as  far  as  it  would  be  possible  the  schism  of  the  English- 
spe. iking  race  which  began  more  than  a  century  ago.  Then  the 
foi'ces  of  a  common  language,  a  common  law,  a  common  litera- 
ture, and  a  common  religion  would  draw  us  and  England  together 
with  all  their  peculiar  and  ap()ropriate  force.  To-day  we  are 
divorced  because  she  insists  upon  holding  on  to  her  possessioa 
upon  this  continent,  invidious  and  essentially  hostile  towards  us. 

For  that  we  have  great  authority.  The  Articles  of  Confedera- 
tion included  a  clause  that  at  any  time  Canada  could  become  a 
member.  Our  army  in  the  Revolutionary  war  was  called  the 
Continental  Army,  becaui^e  we  proposed  to  include  the  entire 
continent.  When  we  came  to  the  peace  of  llS',i  it  was  Franklin 
who  constantly  insisted  with  the  British  negotiators  that  wo 
should  have  Canada,  because  thereby  only  could  we  have  peace. 
Our  experience  in  1812  is  a  pregnant  confirmation  of  his  pres- 
cience and  his  wisdom  and  the  truth  of  his  declaration,  although 
peace  has  prevailed  from  that  time  until  now. 

Mr.  President,  the  McKinley  act,  which  places  practically 

f)rohibitive  duties  upon  the  natural  products  of  Canada,  was  a 
ong  step  in  the  true  solution  of  this  question.  Even  before  it 
was  enacted  great  restlessness  was  being  manifested  in  Canada 
because  of  their  need  of  access  to  our  markets  free  f  roni  any  tariff 
restraint. 

Whatever  may  be  the  course  that  is  taken  upon  this  bill,  it 
need  not  be  expected  that  the  American  people  will  permit  its 
enactment  to  stand  as  a  settlement.  You  may  succeed  in  pass- 
ing the  pending  bill  and  strike  this  blow  at  the  welfare  and 
future  peace  of  the  English-speaking  race  upon  the  American 
continent,  but  that  race  is  too  strong,  too  sagacious,  too  sensi- 
ble to  permit  this  temporary  obstruction  to  stem  the  tide  of  its 
imperialdestiny.  Thependingbillisbut  the  ephemeral  expres- 
sion of  fOrcesessentiallysecondary.  The  primary  and  everlasting 
forces  will  speedily  reassert  themselves.  Four  years  hence 
will  see  a  President  and  Congress  here  that  will  tear  the  bill  to 
tatv^vs  and  re  nact  laws  and  policies  that  are  for  the  lasting 
welfare  of  all  the  people  of  this  continent. 


ua 


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